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Sociolinguistics Symposium 19: Language and the City

Sociolinguistics Symposium 19

Freie Universität Berlin | August 21-24, 2012

Programme: accepted abstracts

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Abstract ID: 439

Part of Session 196: Discourse, Politics and Women as Global Leaders (Other abstracts in this session)

Gender, Politics and Language in Tunisia

Authors: Kammoun, Raoudha
Submitted by: Kammoun, Raoudha (University of Manouba, Tunisia)


The participation of women in the Tunisian uprising and during the democratic process could not go unnoticed and led many to raise the issue of women and politics. The massive involvement of women,  coming from all socioeconomic categories in demonstrations, strikes,  and in the media, and social networks disturbed many longstanding conservative concepts and stereotypes concerning women and their role in social movements and politics.

Many were surprised by the impressive presence of women during the uprising and believed it a temporary phenomenon, but when it started to develop into real political participation, a great number of men and also women saw it was time for them to go back to their place, i.e. the home and child rearing.

During the elections campaign, and despite the law of parity, many would not accept to see women participate as candidates and particularly run for chief heads of lists as, according to many conservative people, these roles could only be held by men; women cannot be convincing, persuasive and aggressive enough in addressing people. Women, according to them, are emotional, vulnerable and sensitive which are undesired qualities in politics, besides the fact that they do not have a good command of the language of politics and the political discourse. The presence of women on TV panels talking and discussing politics and economic issues with men on an equal footing astonished both men and women in the beginning but soon the scene became banal. The parity law allowed the constituent assembly to have 38% of women deputies but was not taken into consideration when the new government was formed and appointed only two women ministers, one of the two was the ministry of women affairs always traditionally held by a woman and the second one  the ministry of the environment.

Most women deputies in the assembly are members of the elected Islamic party. It took them more time than the unveiled deputies to participate fully and publicly especially that the sessions were broadcast live, but soon they felt assured, no longer sat together close to each other and clearly expressed their viewpoints, sometimes with vehemence.

After a year of feminine presence in the sociopolitical scene in Tunisia, women’s involvement in politics provokes less sexist and gender-biased stances, at least in the public space, perhaps due to the recurrence of their visibility and public presence particularly in the media. Their debate on constitutional and law issues and their use of political terms and expressions, showing and proving their good knowledge on issues and affairs generally believed to be unfeminine and repulsive to women have surprised, pleased or angered but so far have not raised the question of linguistic specificities and gender differences in language use. Do women use the same political discourse as men in order to be accepted and considered competent? are there political idiolects rather than genderlects or is women’s participation and presence in the political scene too limited to allow for the existence or emergence of feminine discursive practices in the field of politics?

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